The Pahalgam attack earlier this year led to soaring political tensions between India and Pakistan, yet as Dubai hosts another clash, the divide between public sentiment and institutional profiteering has never been starker, writes Sarah Waris. 

The Pahalgam attack earlier this year led to soaring political tensions between India and Pakistan, yet as Dubai hosts another clash, the divide between public sentiment and institutional profiteering has never been starker, writes Sarah Waris. 

There is at least one Sunday every year when the mood in the subcontinent stands out. Alarms ring early, plans are locked in advance, and the countries are bathed in shades of blue and green. India versus Pakistan, a routine fixture at least once a year, may have lost its essence as an intense battle on the field, but its place as a marquee event remains undeniable.

Yet this Sunday promises to be quieter, with the build-up lacking the usual excitement. It’s astonishingly not sold out, several news agencies have declined to cover the game, and IPL teams, always pressing for engagement, are hesitant to mention Pakistan in the same social media graphic as India.

In late April, an attack in Pahalgam claimed 26 civilian lives and left many injured. New Delhi directly blamed Islamabad for aiding cross-border terrorism and launched “Operation Sindoor” in retaliation, with air strikes on nine sites in Pakistan that India said were linked to militant infrastructure.

The aftermath of Pahalgam

The fallout was swift. Security was tightened in Kashmir, the Indus Waters Treaty was suspended, Pakistani diplomats were expelled, and borders sealed. India also restricted access to several high-profile Pakistani social media accounts, including those of cricketers accused of spreading anti-India propaganda. Cultural ties froze once again: calls for boycotts grew louder, Hindi films featuring Pakistani actors stayed barred, and the release of Aabeer Gulaal - starring Fawad Khan and Vaani Kapoor - was postponed to September 12 but excluded from India. Pakistani singers such as Atif Aslam, and even the legacy of Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, remain absent from the Indian stage.

After facing criticism, India’s Neeraj Chopra also had to withdraw his invitation to Pakistan's gold-medallist Arshad Nadeem for the ‘Neeraj Chopra Classic’ javelin event.

Though not immediately, concerns arose over the future of India-Pakistan cricket, long a money-churner for all parties involved, and many more stakeholders. Gull Feroza, Pakistan’s opening batter, said her team was not “interested in playing in India” at the Women’s World Cup, while India’s head coach Gautam Gambhir responded with an “absolutely not” when asked if India should continue playing Pakistan (he later clarified that the final decision would be the government’s). There were genuine doubts about whether the Asia Cup, scheduled for September, would proceed and whether India would participate. The fact that the Asian Cricket Council is led by Pakistan’s Mohsin Naqvi, a Federal Minister for Interior and Narcotics Control, who accused India of sponsoring terrorism in Balochistan, further put the future of the tournament in doubt.

The first major promotional poster for the event by Sony Sports, the official broadcasters for the tournament, conspicuously omitted Pakistan’s captain, causing a stir.

Soon after, the Asia Cup was given the go-ahead, and the schedule was released. As expected, India and Pakistan were placed in the same group, the “easier” of the two in the competition, making it largely likely that they’d play each other once more in the next round. Three in total, if both reach the final. But as the social media furore began, the Indian government came up with a policy where Indian athletes and teams would be allowed to participate in international events that included teams or players from Pakistan.

The statement said: “With regard to international and multilateral events, in India or abroad, we are guided by the practices of international sports bodies and the interest of our own sportspersons.”

The messaging here is clear: sports and politics should not mix. But the contrast is stark: If cinema and music are cut off in the name of national interest, why not sports? The same Pakistani players whose social media accounts remain hidden from Indian users will be bowling, batting, and fielding on Sunday; the same sports network that initially released a poster without Pakistan now fields Wasim Akram in its commentary box.

Most importantly, and let's be honest, the structure and schedule of this Asia Cup have much less to do with the “interest of the Indian sportspersons” and more about making merry when the opportunity presents itself. It would have been in everyone's “interests” to, instead, play each team once in a league format, which would have also allowed the Associate Teams to gain exposure. The top two could then qualify for the final, providing a better representation of the best sides in Asia. Currently, teams are divided into two imbalanced groups in a tournament that appears to be pandering to two countries at odds with each other, till suddenly they aren't.

If Pakistan’s players are considered too politically tainted for promotional art, why are their faces acceptable, even desirable, on international broadcasts? Because the government suddenly approves? Is that not bending to national sentiment when convenient and beneficial? And, why is scheduling engineered to guarantee repeated encounters?

Gambhir will coach from the sidelines, while Irfan Pathan, who was part of the legends team that boycotted the WCL games against Pakistan, including the semi-final, has been enlisted as a commentator for the tournament. Whether he will be mic’d up or not remains to be seen, but it highlights the practical hypocrisy of the entire build-up.

Suryakumar Yadav’s handshake at the pre-tournament captain’s meet with Naqvi and Pakistan skipper Salman Ali Agha created a furore, and yet it will all be seemingly normal when the toss takes place.

The commercial value of India v Pakistan

India-Pakistan fixtures are unquestionably valuable commercially. The Champions Trophy group game this year drew 206 million TV viewers on JioStar, while the 2023 ODI World Cup match between the two nations had 173 million watching on TV and 225 million more digitally. A 10-second ad during the game reportedly fetched INR 50 lakh, with total ad revenue crossing INR 100 crore. Media rights for three world tournaments are priced at INR 1,400 crore, with India-Pakistan clashes the main draw. It is thus understandable why the ICC places the two teams in the same group in ICC or ACC events since bilateral cricket stopped in 2013.

Participation in such events is ultimately a government directive, and the BCCI follows it, like India’s batting coach Sitanshu Kotak reiterated ahead of the clash: "Once the BCCI says and they are aligned with the government, we are here to prepare and we are here to play.” While the government officially never called for a boycott of Pakistan, there was a sense of unbridled loyalty towards the country in May. The current decision sidelines the public sentiments that were amplified in the first place.

The emotional reaction to Pahalgam was real, and playing or skipping the match is unlikely to change geopolitical equations. That, however, is not the point of the debate. The point is that others are expected to make sacrifices and prove their love for the country, while institutions that profit most resume business as usual.

In truth, it is okay if the match goes on, and it would have been equally okay if it did not. Cricket has always found a way to adapt to politics, tragedy and changing cultures, and it would have again. What is harder to believe is the double standard that surrounds it, with convenient outrages and silences. The event of the match itself is not the problem; it is the hypocrisy built around it that is far louder than the contest ever will be.

This Sunday, the teams will take the field in Dubai, and fans may watch or not. But what has stood out are the noises in the lead-up: loudly moralistic in public, silent behind the scenes. The fear is that if you choose to catch up on the action, you risk being judged for doing so. Yet again, the responsibility of upholding nationalism falls on you and I - mere ordinary citizens - and not on the institutions that made and accepted that decision. Truly, a funny world.

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